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Alan Strickland

Alan Strickland

Labour MP for Newton Aycliffe and Spennymoor

Alan Strickland is the Labour MP for Newton Aycliffe and Spennymoor, and has been an MP continually since 4 July 2024.

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Very safe

Percentage of votes

22.18%

Recent swing

+7.9% Labour

Party

Labour

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Business and Trade

Steel Industry (Nationalisation) Bill: Clause 1 - Meaning of “steel undertaking”

“Ministers will speak for themselves, but I think they are seeking the flexibility to act in the national interest and to do so appropriately. My concern is more with some of the clauses that add lots of prerequisites to what needs to happen before Ministers can act. My view is that in the limited, and hopefully rare, circumstances where Ministers do feel the need to exercise these significant powers, they need to be able to act quickly, and that is what we are discussing today. Several of the amendments relate to concerns around value for money, which of course is an incredibly important consideration. It is important for all of us to remember that one of the key reasons we are here today is precisely because Ministers have said that they want to do more to ensure value for money for taxpayers delivered in the Government’s potential intervention in British Steel Scunthorpe. That is why my hon. Friend the Minister for Industry was clear in May that the Government intended to bring this legislation forward precisely because Ministers were unable to agree suitable terms with the current owner of British Steel that represented a “responsible use of public money,” so value for money has been a key driver of ministerial action on this matter and the reason we are debating it in the Chamber today. I turn to new clause 5, which the hon. Member for Boston and Skegness (Richard Tice) was just describing. I am sort of slightly astonished that Reform, a party with no plan for steel, has put an amendment demanding a plan for steel. I am pleased to tell Reform Members who are here that we already have one. The Labour Government, as the Minister mentioned, published the UK steel strategy in March. It clearly addresses a number of the important points that the hon. Member rightly mentioned earlier, including specifically the need for the public sector to buy more steel. A year ago in June 2025, the Cabinet Office published guidance—procurement policy note 22—that required public bodies nationally and locally, and their executive agencies, to ensure that UK-produced steel is routinely considered in public procurement and that this is done at an early stage in the process, so the mention of public procurement around steel in that amendment is redundant. Ministers have already issued clear guidance on that some time ago. The second problem with Reform’s new clause 5 is that it misses the point of the Bill. This Bill is not about a national strategy on steel—one was published, as I have just mentioned. The proposed law before us deals with specific questions of ownership and with Government intervention in specific steel undertakings. My concern is that subsection (2) risks fundamentally undermining any steel company that might be acquired by the Government. Why? Because by requesting the publication of internal strategies, investment plans and the various things mentioned in the new clause, it risks asking the Government to release into the public domain highly sensitive commercial information about that new public corporation—information that I know, having spoken to people in the sector, other commercial steel operators would be unlikely to publish. I have a broader point about not only the new clause but some of the wider discussion of the Bill. At the heart of new clause 5 sits a slight misunderstanding of what nationalisation means. To give a local example, I was proud to work with the Defence Secretary to secure the nationalisation—or the “strategic acquisition”, as the civil service preferred to call it—of a semiconductor plant in Newton Aycliffe in my constituency. The process was designed to protect the sovereign supply of the semiconductor chips that are vital to the UK-Italy-Japan global combat air programme. There was a risk of that sovereign supply being lost from NATO soil. Octric, as the company is now called, has its own board and its own chief executive, recruited from industry, along with industry experts supporting it. It is of course supported by the Ministry of Defence, but it operates as a commercial concern—as a company in which the sole shareholder is the British Government. That is what we are talking about. Let us be clear: we are not talking about the Government acquiring a steel company then getting involved in the day-to-day running and making all sorts of detailed day-to-day demands. We are discussing the provision of powers to allow the strategic acquisition of a key element of the steel industry, if that is required and in the public interest. I am concerned that, given the importance of steel to defence and to our critical national infrastructure, forcing the publication of the details set out in new clause 5 could compromise our national security, given that we are talking about using steel for such vital purposes. I say respectfully to the hon. Member for Boston and Skegness that, of course, Reform’s slightly muddled position on steel strikes me as nothing new. In 2023, Reform appeared to oppose intervention in Scunthorpe; now it proudly supports it. Last year, Reform talked of reopening blast furnaces in Port Talbot; I noticed that that pledge had disappeared from its manifesto for the recent Senedd elections. The Bill deals with serious and crucial issues—not just for our national economy but, as Members have said, for many of the constituencies represented by right hon. and hon. Members present, and it deserves to be taken seriously. Before I finish, I have three issues that I would like the Minister to address, if he could, when he responds to the debate. First, we need to bring clarity to what nationalisation would mean in this context. My understanding is that were British Steel to be nationalised, it would effectively remain a private company, but its primary shareholder would be the Government, and commercial leaders with relevant sector experience would be brought in to run it. Can the Minister confirm that the best commercial minds from the steel manufacturing industry and other relevant industries would be recruited to run the company and that that is how it would function? I think of comparisons from local government. When I was a cabinet member in charge of planning, housing and regeneration, we had a number of subsidiary companies as the council, but they had operational independence. We recruited the best people from the relevant sectors and did not interfere in the day-to-day operational running of those organisations. If the Minister could give clarity on whether that is a suitable comparison to what he envisages, that would be helpful. Secondly, a number of the amendments seek clarity on transparency or accountability, on which Members rightly want reassurance. I have expressed concerns that the commercial reality of the company operating would mean that some steps just would not be appropriate, reasonable or helpful, and could slow things down. But can the Minister give some clarity on the entirely reasonable and legitimate desire of Members to understand, if British Steel is acquired, how things are going, how public money is being spent, what is being delivered, and how transparency might be brought to the House in an appropriate way? Finally, the hon. Member for Richmond Park (Sarah Olney) tabled new clause 3, on jobs and the industrial strategy transition. I will not get into the specifics of the new clause, but it flags up an important point about how Ministers will ensure that any acquisition of a plant will deliver social value, including jobs, apprenticeships, traineeships and other opportunities. I have been very pleased recently to meet the new apprentices at the semiconductor plant in my constituency that, as I mentioned, was acquired by the Ministry of Defence, and have seen for myself how that Government intervention is delivering wider value to the community. A new apprenticeship programme has been established and 35 additional people have started working there, with more being recruited and work going on to expand the business and make it work better commercially, which is exactly what we want to see. Will the Minister say more about the important issues raised by the hon. Member for Richmond Park around how jobs, skills and apprenticeships might be looked at and considered in any potential acquisition? To conclude, I support the Government’s approach to the Bill and have been happy to set out some of my thoughts on the amendments from across the Committee. Given the importance of steel, it is entirely right that the Bill seeks to move us to a more proactive position and to give Ministers more options to act in the national interest. That is important not only to provide a more secure future for the sovereign supply of steel, but to avoid the permanent loss of our country’s steel-producing capacity. A modern, dynamic, future-facing steel industry is critical to the Government’s ambitions for industry and modern industry. As we have heard from Members across the Chamber, it is also crucial and central to the ambitions of many of the communities represented in this debate. I commend the Minister, with his significant expertise on steel, for pushing this important matter forward.”

Spoke in 16 debates

National Defence

National Security (State Threats) Bill

“I strongly support the change to the law being proposed today, to better protect our nation and our fellow citizens from those working for foreign states that want to disrupt and attack our way of life. While there has been debate today about the timeline, I personally welcome the swift and decisive approach being taken to protecting our national security. As we have heard from colleagues across the House, state-backed threats are evolving incredibly rapidly, so it is critical that legislation passed by this House adapts at the same speed and keeps pace with the complex threat environment. If that puts me at the hawkish end of the political spectrum, to use the words of the right hon. Member for Hertsmere (Sir Oliver Dowden), that is a badge I will wear with pride. Hopefully, through our discussions today, the House can send the clearest possible message: anyone who supports those backed by hostile states, glorifies or promotes their messages of hate, or is in the pay of foreign states that wish us ill can and should expect to face the full force of the British law. The Government and this House must always take firm action to defend our way of life and protect our citizens. Why is this Bill so important? As we heard eloquently from my hon. Friend the Member for Warwick and Leamington (Matt Western), there is clear evidence that hostile states are actively trying to undermine our society by paying proxies to bring violence to the streets of Britain. We have seen this in the attacks on Iranian dissidents by criminal groups linked to Iran’s security services; in the attacks on Jewish volunteer ambulance services in London, for which an Islamist terror group with links to the Iranian regime has publicly claimed responsibility; and in the attacks on Ukrainian-linked property and the Prime Minister’s private residence by proxies linked to the Russian state. These acts are appalling, shocking and unacceptable. That is why I am pleased that, in addition to introducing the measures that we are discussing today, the UK Government and 23 other countries issued a joint statement on 10 June that condemned the egregious actions we have seen across Europe, North America and Australia by Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and other organisations. As the statement said powerfully, “Attempts to kill, kidnap, harass, intimidate, or otherwise attack people on our soil, undermines national sovereignty and international norms. These actions must stop immediately.” What action must we take to tackle these serious and growing threats? As Members across the House have set out, the Bill before us seeks to give our law enforcement agencies and security services greater powers and flexibility to address these serious matters. The Bill includes three new offences related to supporting, assisting, or receiving benefits from activists or organisations that are threatening the UK. As colleagues have said, it builds on existing legislation dealing with non-state terror groups, following the recommendations of the independent reviewer of terrorism legislation. In a small way, I have seen for myself the growing challenges that we face in the wider threat environment. I am a member of the armed forces parliamentary scheme, which involved the Royal Air Force last year and the Royal Navy this year. Together with colleagues from across the House, I have had the privilege of meeting senior military and security personnel at home and abroad. Having visited operational bases here at home, and been briefed by British and NATO force leaders in Europe, it is clear to me just how complex and rapidly evolving the range of threats we face in our country is. It is clear that conflicts on foreign shores are playing out on British soil. It is clear that the range and sophistication of the attacks we face—physical attacks, cyber-attacks and interference in democracy—have grown. It is clear that the military, the security services, the police and other law enforcement bodies needs to work in an increasingly sophisticated way to deal with those hybrid threats. It is clear that hostile activities from state and non-state actors are increasingly linked, and that our laws must evolve quickly to give those tasked with defending us the tools that they need in the modern age. Before I conclude, I will raise some issues with the Minister; I would be very grateful if she would address them in her closing remarks. The first picks up a point made by my hon. Friend the Member for Warwick and Leamington, and by other Members, about public knowledge. The tactics that we have been discussing are intentionally hybrid and hidden; they are designed to complicate and obfuscate, and in some cases, it takes our security services many months to work out exactly what is going on, and to give confident public statements. As right hon. and hon. Members across this House have said, it is critical that we can better explain the nature of the threat to our citizens, residents and constituents, so that the significant investment that we are making in our military and security services is understood, but also so that citizens can help defend themselves and this country, including from individual cyber-attacks and other measures. My second question, which draws on a point made by the right hon. Member for Staffordshire Moorlands (Dame Karen Bradley), is about integration. Given the complexity of what we face and the need for the police, the military, the security services and others—not just in our country, but across allied nations—to work together in a much more sophisticated way, are we confident that those organisations have the necessary resources, and is the Minister confident that they have the freedom to break down bureaucratic silos and work across organisational boundaries to get this done? I hope that across the House today, we can be clear that state-backed aggression, attacks and disruption are not just attacks on people, property and organisations, as appalling as those things are; they are attacks on our way of life, on our values, and on democracy itself. I hope we can unite to show that we will take action—decisive action—and will take it today.”

Spoke in 6 debates
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Key Parliamentary Votes

See where your MP stands on these issues

VOTED AYE4 Sep 2025

House of Lords (Hereditary Peers) Bill

✓ Passed — 336 For, 77 Against

VOTED AYE9 Mar 2026

Children's Wellbeing and Schools Bill

✓ Passed — 307 For, 173 Against

VOTED AYE10 Mar 2026

Courts and Tribunals Bill

✓ Passed — 304 For, 203 Against

Where Alan fits into things

Sir Keir Starmer

Sir Keir Starmer

Prime Minister

Alan Strickland

Alan Strickland

Labour MP for Newton Aycliffe and Spennymoor

Surgeries

Monthly in-person, occasional online

Examples of successful citizen influence

  • Coordinated constituent emails leading to parliamentary questions
  • Local campaign prompting a public statement

Pressure that tends to influence

  • High volume constituent contact
  • Media attention on local issues
  • Cross-party committee pressure